Author: Jana von Stein
It is often held that New Zealand punches ‘above its weight’ in many a competition, whether it’s good or bad to be the winner. Assertions bringing this cliché to mind are not difficult to locate. Whether in the context of sporting achievements or important strategic partnerships, we often hear that New Zealand is one of the best pound-for-pound punchers around.
This is just as well, because in the international political arena, weight class is hardly to this country’s advantage. New Zealand, like other small countries, has a very limited ability to affect global politics through the use of its resources alone. Small countries the world over usually understand this reality. Some choose to look inward, keeping international engagement to a minimum. Some make themselves champions of regional cooperation. And some attempt to stand out by cultivating a reputation for doing more than their fair share of ‘do-gooder politics’: contributing to international efforts that have a moral or ethical flavour to them.
It is often held that New Zealand punches ‘above its weight’ in many a competition, whether it’s good or bad to be the winner. Assertions bringing this cliché to mind are not difficult to locate. Whether in the context of sporting achievements or important strategic partnerships, we often hear that New Zealand is one of the best pound-for-pound punchers around.
This is just as well, because in the international political arena, weight class is hardly to this country’s advantage. New Zealand, like other small countries, has a very limited ability to affect global politics through the use of its resources alone. Small countries the world over usually understand this reality. Some choose to look inward, keeping international engagement to a minimum. Some make themselves champions of regional cooperation. And some attempt to stand out by cultivating a reputation for doing more than their fair share of ‘do-gooder politics’: contributing to international efforts that have a moral or ethical flavour to them.
A strong and persistent commitment to international human rights law is one example of ‘do-gooder politics’ in action. Indeed, it may be an uncontroversial point of assessment. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs tells us, “New Zealand is strongly committed to the protection and promotion of international human rights.” Furthermore, “[c]onsistent with our internationalist tradition, New Zealand seeks to play an active and constructive role in multilateral human rights forums.”
Depending on how (and what) one counts, there are now about 50 global human rights agreements (HRAs) in existence. They cover virtually every human right one can think of: free and fair elections, wage equality, prohibition of torture, elimination of racial discrimination, judicial due process, and the elimination of child labour. Small countries with good rights situations at home can have a real impact here, as instigators of these agreements. The Convention Against Torture had its origins in a proposal submitted to the Swiss government. Sweden took a leading role in negotiations on the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, writing one of two proposals. While this effort faltered, its renewed moment owed a good deal to New Zealand’s efforts. This connection is interesting, and New Zealand’s Office for Disability Issues emphasises it. But how does New Zealand stack up across the board on HRA activity?
Thanks to a new resource, the Database of UN Human Rights Agreements, we can answer this question in a systematic way. How enthusiastic is New Zealand about bringing these agreements home to be recognised as formally binding? In comparing New Zealand to other advanced democracies, Figure 1 shows the total number of HRAs each country has ratified. Interestingly, small countries don’t appear to be more (or less) enthusiastic about ratification than medium-sized countries are. New Zealand is very much in the middle of the pack: well-ahead of laggard giants like the US and Japan, but no further ahead than Australia, and behind Norway, the Netherlands, and Germany.
Depending on how (and what) one counts, there are now about 50 global human rights agreements (HRAs) in existence. They cover virtually every human right one can think of: free and fair elections, wage equality, prohibition of torture, elimination of racial discrimination, judicial due process, and the elimination of child labour. Small countries with good rights situations at home can have a real impact here, as instigators of these agreements. The Convention Against Torture had its origins in a proposal submitted to the Swiss government. Sweden took a leading role in negotiations on the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, writing one of two proposals. While this effort faltered, its renewed moment owed a good deal to New Zealand’s efforts. This connection is interesting, and New Zealand’s Office for Disability Issues emphasises it. But how does New Zealand stack up across the board on HRA activity?
Thanks to a new resource, the Database of UN Human Rights Agreements, we can answer this question in a systematic way. How enthusiastic is New Zealand about bringing these agreements home to be recognised as formally binding? In comparing New Zealand to other advanced democracies, Figure 1 shows the total number of HRAs each country has ratified. Interestingly, small countries don’t appear to be more (or less) enthusiastic about ratification than medium-sized countries are. New Zealand is very much in the middle of the pack: well-ahead of laggard giants like the US and Japan, but no further ahead than Australia, and behind Norway, the Netherlands, and Germany.
Not all ratifications are created equal, however. Looking at the total number of agreements ratified sometimes masks important information, because by now most countries have ratified a large number of agreements – even if it took some much longer. Countries that join on rapidly can be thought of as avid ‘do-gooders,’ whereas those that take a long time are unenthusiastic heel-draggers. Figure 2 displays how long it usually took each country to ratify. Here, small countries like Norway, Sweden, and Denmark are hands-down the quickest to get HRAs ratified at home. But by all appearances, New Zealand doesn’t do the same. To be sure, it is a more avid supporter than Ireland, perhaps the most obvious country to compare it to (similar populations, legal systems, and level of development). But its enthusiasm for ‘do-gooder politics’ involving ratification of HRAs is nowhere near that of the Nordics (or of most Europeans for that matter).
Additional analyses show that when it comes to HRA ratifications, New Zealand punches below where its weight would lead us to expect. This is hardly stellar stuff. In fact, this article is not the first to suggest that Kiwis are not punching above their weight on important humanitarian issues. Foreign aid is another example: the average Nordic citizen contributes NZ$760 to foreign aid each year, whereas the average Kiwi puts in $110. To be sure, these citizens have more money to put toward noble causes, but they are not seven times wealthier!
Looking at other areas such as contributions to international peacekeeping, one would likely find similar gaps between myth and empirical reality. Perhaps the discourse will catch up with the facts. But for the time being, with a temporary seat at one of the most important tables in the world, New Zealand might as well try to reap benefits from the cliché.
Jana Von Stein is a Senior Lecturer in International Relations at Victoria University and can be emailed at jana.vonstein@vuw.ac.nz
Photo credit:
Looking at other areas such as contributions to international peacekeeping, one would likely find similar gaps between myth and empirical reality. Perhaps the discourse will catch up with the facts. But for the time being, with a temporary seat at one of the most important tables in the world, New Zealand might as well try to reap benefits from the cliché.
Jana Von Stein is a Senior Lecturer in International Relations at Victoria University and can be emailed at jana.vonstein@vuw.ac.nz
Photo credit:
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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